Paula de Eguiluz

Paula de Eguiluz: the nature and origins of her witchcraft

The life and trials of Paula de Eguiluz illustrate the concept of how African traditions were integrated into Colonial Latin America, changing and transforming the fabric of the society it impacted. Additionally, Paula provides for us an interesting view on how the society that emerged out of the Afro-Latino society created an environment in which witchcraft was a very real phenomenon, a notion fostered and encouraged by traditional African beliefs and yet tempered and transformed by the mentality of the new world.

Background and Introduction

When Africans were brought to the new world of Latin America, their beliefs and traditions were not left behind. Sources left to us allow us to glimpse how African culture infiltrated and transformed society in Colonial Latin America. One such cache of sources that creates a portal to the past through which we can glimpse a crossroad of traditional African beliefs and Latin American culture is through the trials of Paula de Eguiluz. Paula de Equiluz, a woman of African descent, was born in Santo Domingo in Hispaniola. She was the slave of Juan de Eguiluz, who lived in Cuba. She was tried for witchcraft numerous times throughout her life in Cartagena de Indias. She remained an active part of the African community, made evident by the fact she visited friends on several occasion in Havana. From these friends, she learned love spells and other “occult” gifts of which she made use to earn a living. Paula was publicly known as a witch, or “sorceress”. She was accused in 1623 of witchcraft, divination, and apostasy. After her first trial, Paula was freed from slavery. Paula was accused again in 1632 and 1636, suggesting that these trials did not deter her from performing her “witchcraft” and that she incurred the enmity of those around her. [1] One of those that accused Paula accused her of having “disappeared before his [her master’s] eyes” when he was about to hit her with a saber. However, it goes on to explain that she had merely jumped out a window, showing the almost absurd nature of the accusations.[2] However, African beliefs treated witchcraft as an extremely serious charge in which any charges being made were taken seriously, something Latin American reaction to witchcraft reflected.

[1] Kathryn McKnight and Leo J. Garofalo, Afro-Latino Voices: Narratives from the Early Modern Ibero-Atlantic World, 1550-1812 (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 2009), 214-216

[2] McKnight, Kathryn Joy and Leo J. Garofalo, editors. Afro-Latino Voices: Narratives from the Early Modern Ibero-Atlantic World, 1550-1812. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 2009.

African Beliefs about Witchcraft

In Africa, witchcraft served as a means by which to place blame for disastrous events at the feet of one person, to produce a scapegoat. This scapegoat, or “witch”, was often accused after a family had suffered a misfortune of some sorts. This misfortune usually entailed, but was not limited to, the death of a loved one or economic and political strife. Witchcraft in Africa, therefore, was the means by which people made sense of the world around them. Being able to pin their misfortunes on one person helped to relive the sense of being helpless in the face of their misfortunes and provided a physical target for their grief and frustration. Additionally, it was the belief in Africa that those who practiced witchcraft did so intentionally, with evil purposes in mind.[1] In Africa, witchcraft was and is today considered a very real phenomenon. Even in modern times there are periodic witch hunts, during which scapegoats are rounded up and summarily killed.[2] This African tradition of placing blame for misfortunes on witches using supernatural powers transfused into Colonial Latin American society. This practice of finding a witch, or “bruja” on which to blame misfortunes was not limited to whites accusing blacks. Thus, the issue was not one driven (primarily) by race. African communities in Latin America had a just as strong, if not stronger, culturally engrained belief in witchcraft, and were eager to rid themselves of any supposed witches lurking in their midst. [3]The fact that Paula claims that she was being accused because others were jealous of her supports the notion that it was some of her own peers (other enslaved Africans) that were accusing her of witchcraft.

[1]Thornton, John. “Cannibals, Witches, and Slave Traders in the Atlantic World.” The William and Mary Quarterly 60 (2003) pg. 273-294

[2] Palmer, Karen. Spellbound: Inside West Africa’s Witch Camps. New York: Simon and Schuster, 2010. Pg.87

[3] Anderson, Jens A. “Sorcery in the Era of ‘Henry IV’: Kinship, Mobility and mortality in Buhera District, Zimbabwe.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 8 (2002) pg. 425-449

Colonial Latin American Reaction to Witchcraft

The reaction of those in Colonial Latin American Society to those who were accused of witchcraft and the reasons witches were accused is the best illustration of how African traditions and beliefs were adopted and assimilated into the fabric of life in the new world. Witchcraft in Colonial Latin America was not originally fueled by religious dissension, as some may believe. Rather, just like in African society, misfortunes fueled witch-hunts. The accusation that Paula killed an infant because it died shortly after she held it is similar to other accusations seen across Africa in which deaths of family members were blamed on the witchcraft of others.[1] However, the records of her trial convey a clear underlying concern dealing with religion, something that would not have been of primary concern in Africa. Paula’s confessions demonstrate her devotion to the Virgin, showing that she had begun to adopt the Westernized religion of Christianity. Having not been born in Africa, but rather in Cuba, she is a prime example of how the African communities of Latin America were not only contributing their own culture to the new world but also assimilating to beliefs and traditions held by those that inhabited their new home. After confessing that the devil “persuaded her to follow him” through a trick, she repented and was released. It was on July fifteenth, 1624 that she confessed she accidentally made a pact with the devil but not by giving him her soul but by giving him the food she was eating.

[1] Bongmba, Elias Kifon. African witchcraft and otherness: a philosophical and theological critique. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001.

“…To be credited with power is power…the lure of power tempts…to court the accusation of witchcraft and to boast of having effected the destruction of their enemies. The stakes may be high, but the prize is dear.”

“…those who believe in witchcraft easily believe themselves capable of it and confess to it…”

-Mary Douglas, 1970[1]

[1] Mary Douglas, Witchcraft Confessions & Accusations (London: Tavistock Publications, 1970) pg. 184

How Paula Used Witchcraft as Armor

In her first trials, Paula initially “responded to this one [charge] and [said] that she is not a witch and has not used spells”. However, quickly learning that this tactic would not work, she began telling how she had had used witchcraft and predicted some things, such as when she says, “See how my dream came true: the livestock did come from Barajagua”. It is likely that Paula began to embrace the charge of witchcraft for a couple different reasons. Firstly, by admitting to the charges of witchcraft, Paula was able to confess and receive absolution and light punishment for her transgressions rather than a sentence of death. She began to present her witchcraft in a light that made it seem as if it was done in the service of God, rather than the Devil. Secondly, her livelihood depended on her reputation as a witch. Only if people believed her capable of occult magic would they continue to come to her to make potions. The fact that Paula allowed it to be publicly known that she was a witch and advertised her powers and sold love potions show that it is reasonable to suspect that she was not as repentant about her actions as she seems in her confessions. Additionally, the fact that she was accused and tried twice more futher strengthens this theory. During her trials she also admitted to preparing a “spell” with which to heal her master, but he did not allow her to administer it. Eleven witnesses spoke against her in her hearing, which she attributes to jealousy. This is likely, as she was well dressed and an obvious favorite of her master, which would have incurred the jealousy of those below and above her in the social hierarchy. Additionally, fellow Africans would not have been compelled in any way to shield Paula, but rather to accuse her with vehemence. African culture encouraged that women accused as witches by her peers and be hunted down and put to justice.[1]

[1] Palmer, Karen. Spellbound: Inside West Africa’s Witch Camps. New York: Simon and Schuster, 2010. pg. 142